Abstractionists: No, only abstract units are stored (Levelt et al. 1999).
Rich storage: So what about frequency effects, such as Bybee (2000)?
Abstractionists: No, only abstract units are stored (Levelt et al. 1999).
Rich storage: So what about frequency effects, such as Bybee (2000)?
A: Well, word-form frequencies are available for online computation.
Abstractionists: No, only abstract units are stored (Levelt et al. 1999).
Rich storage: So what about frequency effects, such as Bybee (2000)?
A: Well, word-form frequencies are available for online computation.
RS: OK, but what about lemma frequency effects, like time vs. thyme (Gahl 2008)?
Abstractionists: No, only abstract units are stored (Levelt et al. 1999).
Rich storage: So what about frequency effects, such as Bybee (2000)?
A: Well, word-form frequencies are available for online computation.
RS: OK, but what about lemma frequency effects, like time vs. thyme (Gahl 2008)?
A: Uhm...
Abstractionists: No, only abstract units are stored (Levelt et al. 1999).
Rich storage: So what about frequency effects, such as Bybee (2000)?
A: Well, word-form frequencies are available for online computation.
RS: OK, but what about lemma frequency effects, like time vs. thyme (Gahl 2008)?
A: Uhm...
RS: And what about typical environment effects like Eddington & Channer (2010), Brown & Raymond (2012) or Seyfarth (2014)?
Abstractionists: No, only abstract units are stored (Levelt et al. 1999).
Rich storage: So what about frequency effects, such as Bybee (2000)?
A: Well, word-form frequencies are available for online computation.
RS: OK, but what about lemma frequency effects, like time vs. thyme (Gahl 2008)?
A: Uhm...
RS: And what about typical environment effects like Eddington & Channer (2010), Brown & Raymond (2012) or Seyfarth (2014)?
A: ...
Transition to next slide: "So what are these effects?"
Bybee, Joan. 2000. The Phonology of the lexicon: Evidence from Lexical Diffusion.
~lexical frequency has affected pre-r schwa-deletion in English, and t/d deletion in English
Eddington & Channer (2010): word-final /t/ glottalizes more often in words that typically are followed by consonant-initial words
Brown & Raymond (2012): words that typically occur after non-high vowels more often lost word-inifial /f/
Eddington & Channer (2010): word-final /t/ glottalizes more often in words that typically are followed by consonant-initial words
Brown & Raymond (2012): words that typically occur after non-high vowels more often lost word-inifial /f/
Seyfarth (2014): typically predictable words reduce even in unpredictable contexts
Eddington & Channer (2010): word-final /t/ glottalizes more often in words that typically are followed by consonant-initial words
Brown & Raymond (2012): words that typically occur after non-high vowels more often lost word-inifial /f/
Seyfarth (2014): typically predictable words reduce even in unpredictable contexts
Frequency in Favoring Conditioning (FFC) (Bybee 2017)
Such effects are pooled together in Bybee 2017 and, and she named the relevant factor 'FFC'
In this paper: FFC effect on a regional variant
Realisation | Position | Example |
---|---|---|
[ɔw̃] | word-finally; before fricatives, except alveolo-palatal | idą [idɔw̃]; wąska [vɔw̃ska] |
[ɔw̃] ~ [ɔj̃] | after a “hard” C, before alveolo-palatal fricatives | wąsik [vɔw̃ɕik] ~ [vɔj̃ɕik] |
[ɔj̃] | after a “soft” C, before alveolo-palatal fricatives | (na) wiązie [vjɔj̃ʑe] |
[ɔ] or [ɔ̃] | before l or w | plunąłem [plunɔwɛm] |
[ɔm] | before bilabial stops or affricates | ząbek [zɔmbɛk] |
[ɔn] | before dental stops or affricates | kąt [kɔnt] |
[ɔn] or [ɔṇ] | before alveolar stops and affricates | rączka [rɔṇʨka] |
[ɔɲ] | before alveolo-palatal affricates | piąć [pjɔɲt͡ʂ] |
[ɔŋ] | before (post-palatal or) velar stops | mąka[mɔŋka] |
Realisation | Position | Example |
---|---|---|
[ɔw̃] | word-finally; before fricatives, except alveolo-palatal | idą [idɔw̃]; wąska [vɔw̃ska] |
[ɔw̃] ~ [ɔj̃] | after a “hard” C, before alveolo-palatal fricatives | wąsik [vɔw̃ɕik] ~ [vɔj̃ɕik] |
[ɔj̃] | after a “soft” C, before alveolo-palatal fricatives | (na) wiązie [vjɔj̃ʑe] |
[ɔ] or [ɔ̃] | before l or w | plunąłem [plunɔwɛm] |
[ɔm] | before bilabial stops or affricates | ząbek [zɔmbɛk] |
[ɔn] | before dental stops or affricates | kąt [kɔnt] |
[ɔn] or [ɔṇ] | before alveolar stops and affricates | rączka [rɔṇʨka] |
[ɔɲ] | before alveolo-palatal affricates | piąć [pjɔɲt͡ʂ] |
[ɔŋ] | before (post-palatal or) velar stops | mąka[mɔŋka] |
before fricatives - realised with a glide
Realisation | Position | Example |
---|---|---|
[ɔw̃] | word-finally; before fricatives, except alveolo-palatal | idą [idɔw̃]; wąska [vɔw̃ska] |
[ɔw̃] ~ [ɔj̃] | after a “hard” C, before alveolo-palatal fricatives | wąsik [vɔw̃ɕik] ~ [vɔj̃ɕik] |
[ɔj̃] | after a “soft” C, before alveolo-palatal fricatives | (na) wiązie [vjɔj̃ʑe] |
[ɔ] or [ɔ̃] | before l or w | plunąłem [plunɔwɛm] |
[ɔm] | before bilabial stops or affricates | ząbek [zɔmbɛk] |
[ɔn] | before dental stops or affricates | kąt [kɔnt] |
[ɔn] or [ɔṇ] | before alveolar stops and affricates | rączka [rɔṇʨka] |
[ɔɲ] | before alveolo-palatal affricates | piąć [pjɔɲt͡ʂ] |
[ɔŋ] | before (post-palatal or) velar stops | mąka[mɔŋka] |
before stops and affricates - realised with a homorganic stop
Realisation | Position | Example |
---|---|---|
[ɔw̃] | word-finally; before fricatives, except alveolo-palatal | idą [idɔw̃]; wąska [vɔw̃ska] |
[ɔw̃] ~ [ɔj̃] | after a “hard” C, before alveolo-palatal fricatives | wąsik [vɔw̃ɕik] ~ [vɔj̃ɕik] |
[ɔj̃] | after a “soft” C, before alveolo-palatal fricatives | (na) wiązie [vjɔj̃ʑe] |
[ɔ] or [ɔ̃] | before l or w | plunąłem [plunɔwɛm] |
[ɔm] | before bilabial stops or affricates | ząbek [zɔmbɛk] |
[ɔn] | before dental stops or affricates | kąt [kɔnt] |
[ɔn] or [ɔṇ] | before alveolar stops and affricates | rączka [rɔṇʨka] |
[ɔɲ] | before alveolo-palatal affricates | piąć [pjɔɲt͡ʂ] |
[ɔŋ] | before (post-palatal or) velar stops | mąka[mɔŋka] |
before l or w - realised with plain oral vowel
we will refer to as nasal stopping
Actual speakers show variation between the two variants.
When the prescriptive norm is followed, such contrasts are maintained.
When nasal stopping is used consistently, such contrasts are neutralized.
When nasal stopping is avoided - such contrasts are also netrualized (through 'hypercorrection')
"Pomagamy dziecią / Oddajemy Jeżycą"
You could give more examples from Biedrzycki 1978
1) Don't read all numbers, stick to the gist: For Witaszek-Samborska stopping very frequent (only a little less for the iddle generation), Kaźmierski et al. - rather rare.
2) Current study: all speakers in the same age group, so the question of change can't be addressed directly (no real-time data available here).
3) Also reflect: perhaps different levels of formality/different elicitation tasks,
Baranowska, Karolina. 2018. "Nasal vowels in English and Polish. A comparative analysis and a sociolinguistic study". MA thesis, Adam Mickiewicz University.
1) The highest percentage of stopping overall in the Vocational group.
2) In the 'Higher' group, in 'Formal', stopping drops almost to zero (5%)
3) Style-shifting visible for all educational groups, perhaps except for primary
4) Present study: all subjects university students, formality the same for all
FFC = Frequency in Favoring Conditioning
outcome
: manually as glide or stop (= nasal stopping)outcome
: manually as glide or stop (= nasal stopping)pause
: manually as present or absentoutcome
: manually as glide or stop (= nasal stopping)pause
: manually as present or absentFrequency in Favoring Conditioning
from SUBTLEX-PLoutcome
: manually as glide or stop (= nasal stopping)pause
: manually as present or absentFrequency in Favoring Conditioning
from SUBTLEX-PLfavoring_environment
:outcome
: manually as glide or stop (= nasal stopping)pause
: manually as present or absentFrequency in Favoring Conditioning
from SUBTLEX-PLfavoring_environment
:frequency
discretized based on SUBTLEX-PL/dɪˈskriːtʌɪzd/
no discernible difference in intensity between a vowel and a glide
pauseyes:favoringyes
β = -1.44, p < .001
kamil.kazmierski@wa.amu.edu.pl
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